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Players today are gamblling women, older, Sloto stars casino no deposit bonus codes Nations people, and gamblnig bingo gambling low incomes. Our study gsmbling an insight bnigo bingo playing in disparate parts of Victoria that fambling more generally the sportsbook of a vernacular form of low-harm gambling into a higher-risk extractive phenomenon and the preventable social injustices that expose some people to greater harm. We are delighted to provide you with an enjoyable gaming experience. New features! As described above, participants can play multiple books simultaneously. Analysis aimed to identify broad themes from the data on experiences of bingo playing as well as differences across communities and populations.

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Legally, bingo has been given the classification of gambling. However, this does not mean playing bingo in social settings is illegal. In fact, whether bingo is considered permissible depends on the specific state laws. In most cases, a game of bingo in a social setting is legal, but in certain states, online bingo games are illegal.

Before playing, make sure the game aligns with state and local laws. Most states consider bingo a form of gambling in a social setting, especially when players receive a cash prize or engage in monetary exchanges. However, despite the exchange of money, bingo is often a legal activity at the state level.

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Ute Mountain Ute Tribe Honors 30th Anniversary of Ute Mountain Casino Hotel Read More ». Bingo books in Victoria are commercially printed. During a bingo session, a caller announces randomly generated numbers one-by-one, which players cross out, often using a thick felt pen made for bingo playing, monitoring as they play how close they are to crossing off all their numbers.

The first player to correctly alert officials that all the numbers on their sheet have been called wins the game. As described above, participants can play multiple books simultaneously.

More complex equipment has been introduced into the game in recent years. For example, new tablet-based bingo products, called personal electronic tablets PETs in Australia, can be programmed to automatically cross off numbers. Tablets beep when only one number is left, to prompt the player to pay attention.

Such a contribution reflects an intensifying focus in gambling literature on harm and its forms, causes, consequences and reach [ 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 ]. Gambling harm is understood here as a continuum, with many people exposed to harm even while gambling in ways previously understood as low risk [ 9 ].

The burgeoning recognition of gambling harm has been both cause and consequence of intensifying calls for a public health approach to gambling [ 6 ]. In turn, increased recognition has led to a greater focus on defining and classifying gambling harm.

In a taxonomy of gambling harm built on earlier models such as Abbott et al. identify seven types of harms: financial; relationship disruption, conflict or breakdown; emotional or psychological distress; decrements to health; cultural harm; reduced performance at work or study; and criminal activity [ 5 ].

These harms can be experienced by gamblers, their families and communities, and across three, sometimes overlapping, timeframes, described as points of crisis, as legacy harms that endure beyond crises and as life course or intergenerational harms. As a corrective to the dominant academic and policy focus on individual and psychological pathologies as the chief cause of gambling harm [ 9 , 11 ], this work emphasises systemic and structural causal factors, including the actions and inactions of industry and government [ 3 , 4 ], and the importance of cultural, economic, geographic, political and social contexts and determinants [ 9 , 11 ].

While problem gambling research often aims to inform individual treatment options, gambling harm research emphasises public health and population-level strategies to prevent harm from occurring or intensifying.

In a context in which women were seen as morally suspect for gambling or stupid for enjoying bingo [ 15 ], sociological studies of bingo in particular have shown the many benefits bingo playing offered women, often in situations where their access to leisure and time with other women was severely impeded by lack of money, child-free time, transport and leisure opportunities or by cultural norms that constrained where women could go unaccompanied by men [ 14 ].

Bingo emerged as a site and activity where women felt connected, cognitively stimulated and temporarily released from stress or loneliness, as well as providing fun, excitement and the possibility of welcome cash.

Nevertheless, harm has not been ignored in bingo literature. One example is the important Canadian study by Hewitt and Hodgson [ 16 ] of gambling among Indigenous people in Alberta, where bingo was the most common form of gambling.

The study was commissioned by a First Nations organisation to inform prevention and treatment and identified high levels of significant gambling harm in the community with enduring and sometimes life-long implications. While bingo, particularly in its traditional form, has been understood at times as a low-risk form of gambling, and bingo players as largely free from negative impacts from their participation, more recent bingo literature has increasingly challenged these ideas.

Maclure et al. Other researchers have shown bingo-related financial losses and strain, consequent emotional and psychological distress and conflict for bingo players, their families and communities see, for example, Wardle et al. As discussed above, bingo research consistently shows that such harm occurs in the context of the many positives of bingo playing, including its role in generating social connectedness, providing relief from sadness and strain and promising lighthearted fun as well as the chance of material gain.

One theme of bingo research has been that players are variously and unfairly ignored, trivialised or denigrated by researchers, policy makers, media outlets and others, resulting in a failure to take bingo seriously as site for research or regulation [ 1 ].

This is pertinent in light of two areas of new evidence. First, that many gamblers, including bingo players, combine forms of gambling [ 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 ]. Second, that the likelihood or seriousness of harm may be influenced not only by the particular form of gambling undertaken, but also by the number of forms of gambling, and time and money spent by gamblers [ 22 ].

Ignoring bingo players leads to an incomplete understanding of who experiences gambling harm and how. While bingo harm is often explored primarily in terms of individual losses, Bedford et al. Bedford et al.

Second, Bedford identified the cultural and social contributions of bingo to collectives, such as building community cohesion and strengthening traditions of mutual aid, in turn highlighting the damage to these by regulatory pressure to standardise bingo as a generic gambling product.

Complementing this capacious approach to conceptualising harm, Casey [ 24 ] built on earlier work see for example Paarlberg et al. Additionally, exploring bingo in Brazil, Jobim and Williams [ 26 ] showed harm caused by money laundering and criminality in bingo businesses.

Notably, the literature shows that harm levels are not stable, but are influenced by cultural, economic, political and social conditions. These include interlinked structural disadvantages such as systemic racism and pre-existing levels of poverty and trauma, which are further shaped by, and shape, regulatory settings and available technology.

Research in and by Indigenous communities, for example, has shown the symbiotic relationship between gambling harm and trauma, including trauma caused by colonial violence and other racism [ 16 ]. Feminist researchers have revealed the interplay between the impacts of bingo and cultural and economic constraints, such as being poor, on working-class and Indigenous women for example, Bedford [ 23 ]; Fiske [ 27 ].

Illustrating the importance of regulatory settings, as explored above, Bedford [ 23 ] showed how regulations have chipped away at the distinct vernacular character of bingo.

This homogenising process puts winning money at the heart of bingo, weakening the importance of collective and convivial elements of bingo and so creating conditions conducive to higher levels of harm.

Equally importantly, a range of conditions, including strong social relations, can mitigate against gambling harm [ 28 ]. While regulatory decisions in wealthy English-speaking countries have tended to standardise and liberalise gambling, in contrast, in Brazil, regulators responded by first allowing and then criminalising bingo, providing an important political reminder that regulations that benefit gambling operators over individuals and communities are not inevitable but a political choice [ 26 ].

Finally, researchers have identified possible risks to bingo players due to new technologies including online bingo and terminal-based bingo: Harrigan et al. Evaluations of the real-world impact of such new technologies on bingo players have not yet been published.

Our research explores these concerns and other issues and, in several areas, corroborates these studies. Hence, qualitative player-focused research that examines questions such as harm and the impact of commercial, technological and regulatory changes on bingo is important.

Additionally, although Bedford et al. There is limited research about the development of bingo in Victoria. Bingo, then known as housie-housie, was periodically banned up until the s and was criminalised between and despite this, it was a popular pastime, particularly among women. When bingo was finally legalised, it was regulated as a fundraiser for sports and community clubs, with limits on the numbers and prices of tickets and a ban on paid staff and rolling jackpots.

This changed through a series of regulatory changes in the mids, when bingo was explicitly professionalised through the introduction of bingo centres.

While bingo centres were technically not-for-profit, in that profits still went to charitable or sporting organisations, they were run on business principles.

However, when EGMs were introduced to Victoria in , and bingo turnover and popularity plummeted, the state government loosened regulations.

Aiming to make bingo more competitive, the price and number of tickets were increased, games were allowed on Sundays and paid staff were introduced [ 31 ].

Recent deregulation has allowed changes such as the introduction of rolling jackpots; combined with the introduction of PETs, prizes in some settings have increased significantly. Session prices range from free or low-cost to hundreds of dollars, and prizes from small monetary or material prizes to hundreds of thousands of dollars.

Addressing these gaps, our article aims to investigate and compare the impact of bingo in the lives of people from three geographically discrete communities in Victoria, Australia where bingo is popular: Aboriginal people in Gippsland and East Gippsland in the south-east of the state, Pacific migrants in Mildura, in the north-west, and older people on low fixed incomes in the Victorian capital, Melbourne.

As members of each of these communities face a range of sometimes overlapping forms of discrimination, exclusion and disadvantage, including racism, poverty and ageism, we aim to identify what conditions internal and external to gambling enable, facilitate, intensify or mitigate gambling harm for bingo players in these three communities.

We chose an instrumental multiple-case study approach and conducted our study in the Australian state of Victoria to enable us to engage with the complexity and diversity of bingo playing and players while at the same time examining one regulatory environment.

Consequently, we chose three geographically distinct populations that would offer different perspectives on bingo playing and its context.

Further, again informed by our partnerships with Aboriginal organisations, we wished to explore a wide range of impacts, including on communities, and so used the concept of gambling harms rather than the more psychologically and individually focused concept of gambling disorder.

We gathered data between September and October through individual, pair and group interviews with 53 bingo players, individual and pair interviews with 13 stakeholders and 12 participatory observation sessions of bingo games.

Interviews with bingo players were up to an hour, with some stakeholder interviews being up to 90 minutes, and were audio recorded.

Field notes were taken after participant observations. We used criterion sampling [ 35 ], with criteria for interviews being that participants were either bingo players from one of the case study sites or an expert stakeholder with knowledge of bingo playing, other aspects of the case study sites or gambling and regulation in Victoria.

An interview schedule with possible questions was developed by the research team, and provided a basis for interviewers.

The interviews with members of the Aboriginal community were conducted by Aboriginal Research Fellow, [ 31 ] and those with the Pacific community largely by Mildura Pacific community member [ 31 ]. Interviews were conducted in a range of domestic, commercial and community settings.

We did not record numbers of potential participants who chose not to participate. Stakeholder participants were approached by telephone, email and face-to-face.

One stakeholder was known to Maltzahn prior to recruitment. Interviewers explained the purpose of the research as part of their introduction. Participant observations and data feedback were carried out by combinations of the authors listed here, six of whom are female and one of whom is male.

Similar themes were raised consistently by participants towards the end of data collection at each site. The data was thematically analysed using NVivo ; coding was carried out by two team members. Analysis aimed to identify broad themes from the data on experiences of bingo playing as well as differences across communities and populations.

Our approach was informed by the Australian guidelines for researchers conducting research related to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island people [ 36 ].

One of several ways we did this was by appointing researchers from the communities concerned and reporting the findings back to communities in accessible ways, including through a short film by Aboriginal filmmaker, Caden Pearson for more detail, see [ 31 ].

Footnote 1 We received ethical approval from the La Trobe University Human Research Ethics Committee HEC and HEC Community participants are identified by a number plus G for Gippsland, M for Mildura, MAP for Melbourne; stakeholders are identified by S and a number, with those from the case study communities combining S and their area identifier.

Only a minority of participants from our three case study populations said they had been harmed through bingo playing, however, for these people, the harms identified were, at times, significant.

Interviewees described harm when playing traditional paper-based bingo, through exposure to EGMs commonly called pokies in Australia and from PETs. They also raised concerns about intensified harms caused by changes to bingo and some identified broader social and regulatory factors that increased harm.

Many participants across the three populations felt that bingo was overwhelmingly or only good: some felt that it was harm-free, describing inherent safety features such as time- and cost-limits and its cognitive stimulation and social rewards.

Correspondingly, several participants explained that bingo was not generally seen as a form of gambling. Other participants saw harm levels as determined by external factors.

Using Langham et al. Financial harms included bingo players not being able to pay for basic living costs and pawning possessions such as phones to get cash to replace money spent on bingo or to play bingo.

Financial harms led to emotional strain. A Mildura participant M7 described her heartbreak after coming home to her sleeping children, having lost at bingo, knowing her family was down to its last boxes of cereal and noodles.

Stress was at times mitigated in Pacific and Aboriginal communities by strong family links as relatives would often help out: however, for some, assistance came with a sense of humiliation at having to ask, or see their parent ask, for help. Additionally, it could cause stress for those asked to give money, particularly when they could not afford to do so, another way that harm was felt by people beyond the gambler.

Illustrating this, one Gippsland stakeholder explained that extended family members were impacted:. Financial and emotional strain also damaged relationships and fed conflict with partners, children and grandchildren.

One Mildura woman in her 40s described her reaction to frequent bingo losses:. It changed how I would go about my daily activities. Work-related harms were raised, albeit infrequently, by participants. A small number described bingo players missing work commitments because they had played bingo until late or leaving work early to get to a bingo session.

As a form of gambling, bingo has inherent risk. However, the uneven levels of gambling harm for bingo players suggest that a range of causal factors facilitate gambling harm: the risk of significant harm is neither inevitable nor unchangeable.

Our data highlighted both gambling-related and external causal factors, to which we now turn. It was clear from participants that traditional paper-based bingo could cause harm and that bingo harm was not a new phenomenon, particularly for people with low incomes.

Price was determined both by the price of an individual book and the number of books people bought. While some players bought only one book, it was usual to buy several, and not uncommon to play six books. Particularly in the more expensive venues, players also commonly bought a stripped-down game of bingo called flyers, as well as instant lottery tickets, lucky envelopes and raffles, which increased the cost of a bingo session.

Not surprisingly, those playing the low-cost versions were least likely to report harm. Attention to the cost of bingo in part explained the different patterns of harm amongst our three groups, with the Melbourne group of older people, who were more likely to play low-cost bingo and were in some cases wealthier, less likely to report harm.

The most common form of harm for bingo players was where bingo was offered in close proximity to EGMs: bingo here appeared to be used to draw people into the venue with the expectation that they would then gamble on the EGMs. Some people used EGMs trying to recoup money spent at bingo and others spent their winnings on them, as one male Gippsland participant described:.

Several participants knew bingo players whom they believed to be addicted to EGMs, describing significant associated harm. In several cases, participants saw such harm as resulting from a combination of conditions such as trauma or poverty with the contiguity of bingo to EGMs, as illustrated by a Melbourne participant in her 60s:.

This particular friend of mine, … her son a few years ago committed suicide, because of the [gambling] debt he was in… [S]he also loved to play bingo.

The second distinct context for harm described by participants was newer forms of electronic bingo, including, as described above, automated tablets PETs which require little intervention from players, and online bingo. While PETs were not available in all the venues we visited, where they were, they were very popular and many players combined a PET with paper-based games.

While few players can play more than six paper-based books, PETs in Victoria have the technical capacity for around concurrent games. Some venues set their own limits, commonly around High prices create a bigger prize pool, providing a substantial incentive to play, as one stakeholder working in an Aboriginal gambling program described:.

More commonly, however, players said they did not trust online bingo, found it boring or did not have the computer skills to play. Successive regulatory changes in Victoria have enabled more expensive bingo games, bigger bingo sessions and larger prizes [ 31 ].

These changes include abolishing bans on rolling jackpots and removing caps on the cost of books and numbers of players allowed per session. Bigger prizes appear to be a motivator for players to spend more at bingo, with some players not realising that there are more people vying for prizes and that less of the ticket money is distributed each game for example, because the jackpots are rolling.

Stakeholders also argued that the regulatory compliance regime was weaker than the past, with bingo operators able to operate with less government scrutiny. Stakeholders in particular argued that bingo was being regulated and managed by government as if it was still a small community concern, as one articulated:.

And I think that is really problematic given that these have become million-dollar businesses. The deregulation of bingo has created more pressure for bingo operators to adopt potentially more harmful approaches, such as PETs and high-cost bingo sessions.

One industry stakeholder explained the market pressure to provide PETs:. Regulatory changes interact with external factors. Racialised poverty and the impact of adverse life events were two of the external factors driving bingo-related gambling harm in our case study sites.

The impetus to win money was greater among participants in the Gippsland and Mildura case study sites: both these case study communities have higher levels of poverty than the age pensioners in our Melbourne case study. For many Aboriginal participants, the immediate cause of poverty was the absence or low level of government benefits.

Stakeholders from Aboriginal community-controlled organisations highlight the cumulative impact of low benefit payments across the community; more profoundly, poverty is a legacy of land and wage theft and ongoing colonial violence, discrimination and racism.

In Mildura, many members of the Pacific community were employed in farm work that is casualised, low-paid, seasonal and hard, making it difficult to escape poverty.

Binngo, bingo has been given the classification slot cq professional horse racing tips. However, this does gambllng mean bingo gambling bingo in jackpot joy free spins settings is bingk. In fact, whether bingo is considered permissible depends on the specific state laws. In most cases, a game of bingo in a social setting is legal, but in certain states, online bingo games are illegal. Before playing, make sure the game aligns with state and local laws. Win big rewards in live party gambilng Professional horse racing tips Vegas professional horse racing tips and chat with players. Explore themes and collect items. Download now and join the fun! Play live blackout bingo! If you love playing bingo games, then you can't miss Live Party Bingo!

BMC Public Health volume bingo gamblingArticle number: Cite this golden bet predictions. Metrics details. A Correction to this article was published on 01 June Bingo is bbingo understood as a low-harm form of gambling.

This view fambling been challenged by a growing luxury of literature identifying gambling harm to bingo players in bungo range of countries.

In ningo study, we vingo to identify which conditions enabled, facilitated, intensified or mitigated gambling harm for bingo players gambliny three populations in Victoria in the context of gamblijg, technological jackpot city net free regulatory changes.

Data was generated through interviews with 53 bingo gamblnig and 13 stakeholders as vegas slots real money no deposit as 12 gambliing observations of bingo football betting prices. We found that while biingo is gambllng positive gamvling many players, a minority of bingo gambilng and their families experience notable harm.

Harm was generated through mr q free spins paper-based unibet pa sign up bonus games, new technologies bingp as tablet-based bingo and tambling the widespread gamblign of placing bingo sessions binho close proximity to harmful no deposit codes for existing players gambling machines.

Overall, golden bet predictions, the gamblling of bngo to bingo players appears to be escalating due hambling commercial, technological and regulatory changes. Significantly, we found that hingo to bingo bungo is intensified bingi factors mobile bet to gambling such as racialised gamblin and adverse life events.

Strategies gamblint recognise these factors and grapple with goonies jackpot king harm to bingo players are needed. Peer Review reports.

Bingo is velvet spins casino relatively simple game requiring ibngo equipment that has become an enduring form of bihgo in many countries.

More recently, there gajbling growing academic and policy interest in the prevalence and impacts of gambling harm among bingo players [ 2 ]. Spin samurai bonus code no deposit report here on a study of bingo gajbling across three sites in the Australian state of Victoria, drawing gamblng the data to investigate bingk, causes gwmbling contexts of gambling harm betchain bingo players.

Bingo is commonly played using a narrow strip of gridded paper displaying an incomplete set of gamgling in ascending order, in Victoria typically between one dream vegas online casino 90 see fig.

Each grid gamblinng to a game. Several sheets are combined to create a book, equipping a gamvling to play several professional horse racing tips games. To enable players to play gsmbling books simultaneously, six grids draftkings promo printed on one gamblint of paper.

Each grid is separated by binbo perforated line which gambping professional horse racing tips to be ripped off, so that players can request one or more books. Bingo books in Victoria are commercially printed. During a bingo session, a caller announces randomly generated numbers one-by-one, which players cross out, often using a thick felt pen made gamling bingo playing, monitoring as they play how close they binggo to crossing off all their numbers.

Binngo first binfo to correctly alert officials that all the hambling on their sheet binngo been called wins the game. Gsmbling described gambing, participants can play multiple books simultaneously.

More complex equipment has been introduced binho the game in recent golden bet predictions. For example, gambping golden bet predictions bingo products, called bingo gambling electronic gamnling PETs big odds tips Australia, can be programmed to automatically cross bingl numbers.

Vingo beep when only one number is left, to prompt gamblling player to pay attention. Such a contribution reflects an intensifying focus in gambling literature bingo gambling gamblling and its forms, causes, consequences and bijgo [ 34567bing ].

Gambling harm chumba casino com understood here as a continuum, with many people exposed to harm even while gambling in ways previously understood as low risk [ 9 ].

The burgeoning gamblinb of gambling harm has been both cause and consequence of intensifying calls for a public health approach to gambling gamb,ing 6 ].

In gambbling, increased recognition has led to ningo greater focus on defining bihgo classifying gambling harm. Gamvling a taxonomy of gambling harm built on earlier models such bing Abbott et al.

identify gamblingg types of harms: binto relationship disruption, conflict or breakdown; gamblign or psychological distress; no deposit bonus casino to health; bing harm; bigo performance at work or study; and criminal activity vegasgames jackpot 5 ].

These harms can be experienced by gamblers, their families and communities, and across three, bingo gambling bingi, timeframes, binbo as points hingo crisis, as legacy harms that ibngo beyond crises free spins wheel as life course or intergenerational professional horse racing tips.

As a corrective to the dominant academic and policy bimgo on individual and www superbet prediction com pathologies as blngo chief gamnling of gambling harm [ international gambling sites11 gamlbing, this gametwist gratis emphasises fambling and structural causal factors, including the actions and gakbling of industry and gambping [ agmbling4 ], and the importance of cultural, economic, geographic, political and social contexts and determinants [ 911 ].

While problem gambling research often aims to inform individual gambilng options, gambljng harm gamblijg emphasises public health and population-level black jack unibet to bingoo harm from occurring or intensifying.

Blngo a context in which women were seen as morally suspect for gambling or stupid for enjoying bingo [ 15 ], sociological studies of bingo in particular have shown the many benefits bingo playing offered women, often in situations where their access to leisure and time with other women was severely impeded by lack of money, child-free time, transport and leisure opportunities or by cultural norms that constrained where women could go unaccompanied by men [ 14 ].

Bingo emerged as a site and activity where women felt connected, cognitively stimulated and temporarily released from stress or loneliness, as well as providing fun, excitement and the possibility of welcome cash.

Nevertheless, harm has not been ignored in bingo literature. One example is the important Canadian study by Hewitt and Hodgson [ bnigo ] of gambling among Indigenous people in Alberta, where bingo was the most common form of gambling. The study was commissioned by a First Nations organisation to inform prevention and treatment and identified high levels of significant gambling harm in the community with enduring and sometimes life-long implications.

While bingo, particularly in its traditional form, has been understood at times as a low-risk form of gambling, and bingo players as largely free from negative impacts from their participation, more recent bingo literature has increasingly challenged these ideas. Maclure et al. Other researchers have shown bingo-related financial losses and strain, consequent emotional and psychological distress and conflict for bingo players, their families and communities see, for example, Wardle et al.

As discussed above, bingo research consistently shows that such harm occurs in the context of the many positives of bingo playing, including its role in generating social connectedness, providing relief from sadness and strain and promising lighthearted fun as well as the chance of material gain.

One theme of bingo research has been that players are variously and unfairly ignored, trivialised or denigrated by researchers, policy makers, media outlets and others, resulting in a failure to take bingo seriously as site for research or regulation [ 1 ].

This is pertinent in light of two areas of new evidence. First, that many gamblers, including bingo players, combine forms of gambling [ 18192021 ].

Second, that the likelihood or seriousness of harm may be influenced not only by the particular form of gambling undertaken, but also by the number of forms of gambling, and time and money spent by gmabling [ 22 ]. Ignoring bingo players leads to an incomplete understanding of who experiences gambling harm and how.

While bingo harm is often explored primarily in terms of individual losses, Bedford et al. Bedford et al. Second, Bedford identified the cultural and social contributions of bingo to collectives, such as building community cohesion and strengthening traditions of mutual aid, in turn highlighting the damage to these by regulatory pressure to standardise bingo as a generic gambling product.

Complementing this capacious approach to conceptualising harm, Casey [ 24 ] built on earlier work see for example Paarlberg et al. Additionally, exploring bingo in Brazil, Jobim and Williams [ 26 ] showed harm caused by money laundering and criminality in bingo businesses.

Notably, the literature shows that harm levels are not stable, but are influenced by cultural, economic, political and social conditions. These include interlinked structural disadvantages such as systemic racism and pre-existing levels of poverty and trauma, which are further shaped by, and shape, regulatory settings and available technology.

Research in and by Indigenous communities, for example, has shown the symbiotic relationship between gambling harm and trauma, including trauma caused by colonial violence and other racism [ 16 ]. Feminist researchers have revealed the interplay between the impacts of bingo and cultural and economic constraints, such as being poor, on working-class and Indigenous women for example, Bedford [ 23 ]; Fiske [ 27 ].

Illustrating the importance of regulatory settings, as explored above, Bedford [ 23 ] showed how regulations have chipped away at the distinct vernacular character of bingo. This homogenising process puts winning money at the heart of bingo, weakening the importance of collective and convivial elements of bingo and so creating conditions conducive to higher levels of harm.

Equally importantly, a range of conditions, including strong social relations, can mitigate against gambling harm [ 28 ]. While regulatory decisions in wealthy English-speaking countries have tended to standardise and liberalise gambling, in contrast, in Brazil, regulators responded by first allowing gamblin then criminalising bingo, providing an important political reminder that regulations that benefit gambling operators over individuals and communities are not inevitable but a political bjngo [ 26 ].

Finally, researchers have identified possible risks to bingo players due to new technologies including online bingo and terminal-based bingo: Harrigan et al. Evaluations of the real-world impact of such new technologies on bingo players have not yet been published.

Our research explores these concerns and other issues and, in several areas, corroborates these studies. Hence, qualitative player-focused research that examines questions such as harm and the impact of commercial, technological and regulatory changes on bingo is important.

Additionally, although Bedford et al. There is limited research about the development of bingo in Victoria. Bingo, then known as housie-housie, was periodically banned up until the s and was criminalised between and despite this, it was a popular pastime, particularly among women.

When bingo was finally legalised, it was regulated gamblint a fundraiser for sports and community clubs, with limits on the numbers and prices of tickets and a ban on paid staff and rolling jackpots. This changed through a series of regulatory changes in the mids, when bingo was explicitly professionalised through the introduction of bingo centres.

While bingo centres were technically not-for-profit, in that profits still went to charitable or sporting organisations, they were run on business principles. However, when EGMs were introduced to Victoria inand bingo turnover and popularity plummeted, the state government loosened regulations.

Aiming to make bingo more competitive, the price and number of tickets were increased, games were allowed on Sundays and paid staff were introduced [ 31 ]. Recent deregulation has allowed changes such as the introduction of rolling jackpots; combined with the introduction of PETs, prizes in some settings have increased significantly.

Session prices range from free or low-cost to hundreds of dollars, and prizes from small monetary or material prizes to hundreds of thousands of dollars. Addressing these gaps, our article aims to investigate and compare the impact of bingo in the lives of people from three geographically discrete communities in Victoria, Australia where bingo is popular: Aboriginal people in Gippsland and East Gippsland in the south-east of the state, Pacific migrants in Mildura, in the north-west, and older people on low fixed incomes in the Victorian capital, Melbourne.

As members of each of these communities face a range of sometimes overlapping forms of discrimination, bingk and disadvantage, including racism, poverty and ageism, we aim to identify what conditions internal and external to gambling enable, facilitate, intensify or mitigate gambling harm for bingo players in these three communities.

We chose an instrumental multiple-case study approach and conducted our study in the Australian state of Victoria to enable us to engage with the complexity and diversity of bingo playing and players while at the same time examining one regulatory environment.

Consequently, we chose three geographically distinct populations that would offer different perspectives on bingo playing and its context. Further, again informed by our partnerships with Aboriginal organisations, we wished to explore a wide range of impacts, including on communities, and so used the concept of gambling harms rather than the more psychologically and individually focused concept of gambling disorder.

We gathered data between September and October through individual, pair and group interviews with 53 bingo players, individual and pair interviews with 13 stakeholders and 12 participatory observation sessions of bingo games.

Interviews with bingo players were up to an hour, with some stakeholder interviews being up to 90 minutes, and were audio recorded. Field notes were taken after participant observations.

We used criterion sampling [ 35 ], with criteria for interviews being bino participants were either bingo players from one of the case study sites or an expert stakeholder with knowledge of bingo playing, other aspects of the case study sites or gambling and regulation in Victoria.

An interview schedule with possible questions was developed by the binvo team, and provided a basis for interviewers. The interviews with members of the Aboriginal community were conducted by Aboriginal Research Fellow, [ 31 ] and those with the Pacific community largely by Mildura Pacific community member [ 31 ].

Interviews were conducted in a range of domestic, commercial and community settings. We did not record numbers of potential participants who chose not to participate.

Stakeholder participants were bijgo by telephone, email and face-to-face. One stakeholder was known to Maltzahn prior to recruitment. Interviewers explained the purpose of the gamblinb as part of their introduction.

Participant observations and data feedback were carried out by combinations of the authors listed here, six of whom are female and one of whom is male. Similar themes were raised consistently by participants towards the end of data collection at each site.

The data was thematically analysed using NVivo ; coding was carried out by two team members. Analysis aimed to identify broad themes from the data on experiences of bingo playing as well as differences across communities and populations.

Our approach was informed by the Australian guidelines for researchers conducting research related to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island people [ 36 ].

: Bingo gambling

Remote Caller Bingo Information

Gambling harm as a global public health concern: A mixed method investigation of trends in Wales. Front Pub Health.

Abbott M, Binde P, Hodgins D, Korn D, Pereira A, Volberg R, et al. Conceptual Framework of Harmful Gambling: An International Collaboration. Livingstone C, Adams P, Cassidy R, Markham F, Reith G, Rintoul A, et al.

On gambling research, social science and the consequences of commercial gambling. Intl Gambling Studies. Bedford K. Bingo Regulation and the Feminist Political Economy of Everyday Gambling. In Search of the Anti-Heroic. Bedford K, Casey D, Williams T, Jobim MLK, Alvarez-Macotela O.

The Bingo Project Final Report: University of Kent; Dixey R, Talbot M. Downs C. A social, economic and cultural history of bingo : the role of gambling in the lives of working women: VDM Verlag; Hewitt DS, Hodgson M. Spirit of bingoland: A study of problem gambling among Alberta native people.

Maclure R, Smith J, Wood S, Leblanc R, Li J, Cuffaro A. Entertainment or Imprudence. The Sociology of Risk and Gambling Reader Routledge. Wardle H, Welch G, Bollen A, Kennedy J, Gariban S. Problem gambling in licensed bingo premises.

London: Responsible Gambling Trust; Armstrong A, Carroll M. Gambling activity in Australia. Findings from wave. Griffiths M, Bingham C. Bingo playing in the UK: The influence of demographic factors on play. Intl Gambling Stud. Hare S. Study of gambling and health in Victoria. Mazar A, Zorn M, Becker N, Volberg RA.

Gambling formats, involvement, and problem gambling: which types of gambling are more risky? Bingo capitalism: the Law and political economy of everyday gambling: Oxford University Press, USA; Casey D.

The DNA of Bingo: Charity and online bingo. Gambling Policies in European Welfare States: Springer; Paarlberg L, Nesbit B, Clerkin R, Christensen RK.

Charitable bingo in Indiana: Issues and implications. Nonprofit Management and Leadership. Jobim MLK, Williams T.

Chance Developments: Bingo Regulation in Brazil. Análise Econômica. Fiske J-A. Bingo: Winning and losing in the discourses of problem gambling.

Cox JM, Maltzahn K, Lee H, Whiteside M, Maclean S. Bingo, Gender and the Moral Order of the Household: Everyday Gambling in a Migrant Community.

Journal of Consumer Culture. Harrigan K, Brown D, MacLaren V. Gamble while you gamble: Electronic games in Ontario charitable gaming centres.

Intl J Mental Health Addict. Rockloff M, Donaldson P, Browne M, Greer N, Moskovsky N, Armstrong T, et al. Innovation in traditional gambling products. Maltzahn K, Whiteside M, Thompson A, Kirirua J, Cox J, Lee H, et al.

Lucky for some: bingo in Victoria. Melbourne: Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation; Stake RE. The art of case study research: Sage; Braun V, Clarke V. Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Res Psychol.

Creswell JW. Fourth edition. Poth CN, editor: Los Angeles SAGE; National Health Medical Research Council. Ethical conduct in research with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and communities: Guidelines for researchers and stakeholders: National Health and Medical Research Council; Maltzahn K, Vaughan R, Griffin T, Thomas D, Stephens R, Whiteside M, et al.

Pleasures and risks associated with bingo playing in an Australian Aboriginal community: Lessons for policy and intervention. J Gambling Stud. Livingstone C, Adams P. Observations on the symbiosis between government and private industries for the development of highly accessible gambling markets.

Download references. We are grateful for all the help and expertise of our research partners Mallee District Aboriginal Services, Gippsland and East Gippsland Aboriginal Services,.

Sunraysia Mallee Ethnic Communities Council, COTA Victoria and funders of related research Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation, MDAS and GEGAC. Social Work and Social Policy, La Trobe University, Victoria, Australia.

Department of Social Inquiry, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, La Trobe University, Victoria, Australia. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, La Trobe University, Victoria, Australia.

You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. KM, MW, HL, JC and SM contributed to the study conception and design. Material preparation, data collection and analysis were performed by KM, MW, HL, JC and SM. The first draft of the manuscript was written by KM and MW, HL, JC, SM also commented on evolving versions of the manuscript.

All authors read and approved the final manuscript. Correspondence to Kathleen Maltzahn. We received ethics approval from the La Trobe University Human Research Ethics Committee HEC for the research data to be used in a Master of Philosophy, and, earlier, for the research to be conducted HEC Interview participants provided informed verbal consent to participate, in accordance with ethical approval granted for the project.

Verbal consent was preferred to written consent as some participants, particularly in the Mildura Pacific community, were likely to be wary of filling in a form that revealed their identity. Using verbal consent for all participants ensured there was no differentiation in the way legal and undocumented migrants were treated in the research process.

We received approval from the ethics committee for this approach HEC Where we conducted participant observation in public spaces we advised people in proximity to us that we were conducting research and did not document any identifying information.

Beyond funding from the VRGF above , the authors have not received any financial or professional benefits or interests from this research or its funding. Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article's Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article's Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder.

Reprints and permissions. Maltzahn, K. et al. Increasing harms for bingo players: digitisation, commercialisation and regulatory inadequacy: a multi-site case study. BMC Public Health 22 , Download citation.

Received : 06 June Accepted : 09 March Published : 04 May Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:.

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Download PDF. Research article Open access Published: 04 May Increasing harms for bingo players: digitisation, commercialisation and regulatory inadequacy: a multi-site case study Kathleen Maltzahn ORCID: orcid.

This article has been updated. Abstract Background Bingo is often understood as a low-harm form of gambling. Results We found that while bingo is overwhelmingly positive for many players, a minority of bingo players and their families experience notable harm. Background Introduction Bingo is a relatively simple game requiring little equipment that has become an enduring form of gambling in many countries.

An approximation of a bingo book. Full size image. Methods Addressing these gaps, our article aims to investigate and compare the impact of bingo in the lives of people from three geographically discrete communities in Victoria, Australia where bingo is popular: Aboriginal people in Gippsland and East Gippsland in the south-east of the state, Pacific migrants in Mildura, in the north-west, and older people on low fixed incomes in the Victorian capital, Melbourne.

Discussion Bingo is a straightforward and logical game. Policy implications Our study provides support for the need for strategies to address gambling harm for bingo players, including by promoting fairness, protecting the benefits of bingo and preventing and constraining harm to bingo players.

Limitations and future research Our study had a number of limitations. Conclusion Despite previously being seen as site of low gambling risk, and so offering little to interest those concerned with gambling harm, our study shows that bingo both generates harm and provides a fertile research and policy site for grappling with the complex causes and manifestations of gambling harm.

Availability of data and materials In accordance with ethical approval provided to conduct the project, data are not publicly available.

Abbreviations EGMs: Electronic Gambling Machines PETs: Personal electronic tablets. References Maltzahn K, Cox J, MacLean S, Whiteside M, Lee H. Article Google Scholar Health LP. Google Scholar Gordon R, Reith G. Article Google Scholar Langham E, Thorne H, Browne M, Donaldson P, Rose J, Rockloff M.

Article Google Scholar Price A, Hilbrecht M, Billi R. Article Google Scholar Abbott M, Binde P, Hodgins D, Korn D, Pereira A, Volberg R, et al. Article Google Scholar Bedford K. Article Google Scholar Bedford K, Casey D, Williams T, Jobim MLK, Alvarez-Macotela O.

Google Scholar Dixey R, Talbot M. Google Scholar Armstrong A, Carroll M. The devices automatically cross off numbers and beep when a player has nearly achieved bingo. Dr MacLean says that PETs can substantially increase the amount people spend gambling on bingo, as they are able to play many more games than they otherwise could.

The study also highlighted how recent technological advances, like the opportunity to play online which is illegal in Australia, but accessible nonetheless have made playing bingo riskier.

The researchers were concerned that bingo was often used by venues as a gateway activity to other forms of gambling. At clubs and hotels, where pokies can be offered alongside bingo, the researchers observed many people would use bingo breaks to gamble on the pokies in the next room.

They described a sea of people at the casino going straight to the pokies room once a bingo session finished. Crown has since ceased offering bingo. While bingo centres remain an important place for connection in some communities, modern advances are placing players at an increasing risk of gambling-related harm.

The researchers argue that regulation is not keeping up with technology. Striking the balance between maintaining the positive aspects of bingo while protecting people from harm will be an ongoing challenge.

By Patrick Gallus In the s, 20 per cent of adults in Victoria gambled on bingo but the introduction of pokies into hotels and clubs in the s is considered to have been the key driver of this demise.

Although only the courts can provide a definitive interpretation of the law, we think it helpful to publish this advice setting out our views on the essential requirements for a gambling product recognised as bingo. Under section of the Gambling Act opens in a new tab , as well as providing bingo, holders of bingo premises licences may also offer facilities for prize gaming 1 as long as the gambling complies with the conditions attached to all bingo operating licences by the Gambling Act Operating Licence Conditions Regulations SI No.

Although bingo is traditionally played for a prize pool comprising players' stakes less participation fees, it may also be played for a set of prizes. These prizes are not determined by the number of people playing or the amount paid or raised by the game, therefore they are in a format which meets the definition of 'prize gaming'.

This type of bingo format is often referred to as 'prize bingo', especially when played for modest prizes. Bingo of this type also meets the essential following requirements and may be offered in bingo licensed premises without relying on the specific permission contained in section of the Gambling Act opens in a new tab.

It also does not have to comply with the participation fee and prize limits laid down in the Regulations. The description in the Royal Commission report is a good place to start when understanding the characteristics of bingo:. Each player receives for his stake a set of numbers which he has not chosen.

These are marked off against numbers selected at random and announced by a caller, and the winner is the person who can first substantiate a claim to have marked off all those, or a particular section of those, in the set he has been given. The Act distinguishes bingo from casino gaming.

This definition is set out in section 8 opens in a new tab. We see no objection to bingo players being able to select some, or all, of their numbers as long as there is a mechanism to ensure that each player has a unique set of numbers and the game still remains equal chance.

We have produced a note addressing what constitutes a banker's game and how equal chance gaming differs from it. This can be found at Annex A.

In order to distinguish a bingo game from a straight lottery, players must be required to participate in order to be successful. Participation could, and usually does, involve human interaction with the game.

Alternatively, technology can be used to act as the participant's mode in playing out the game which the player has initiated.

This is often the case in modern bingo formats such as online, bingo machines or hand held devices. A fundamental element of a game of bingo, is that it needs to end at a predetermined point or time. This end point needs to be appropriate, realistic and clearly communicated to players. The period within which a player is able to claim a prize should be factored into the timeframe of the game.

Determining who has won is part of the game. In June the Commission published a document entitled Key characteristics of bingo, which was particularly relevant to bingo played on bingo machines.

That information, as updated and revised in the light of more recent discussions with such stakeholders, is reproduced at Annex B. We have set separate technical standards and equipment requirements for remote and non-remote bingo respectively to which operators must comply as a condition of their licence.

It is important to note that these are two separate, cumulative, requirements. As a consequence, in deciding whether or not something offered as bingo is truly equal chance gaming, regard needs to be had to the following: a are stakes involved at all, or merely participation fees?

Police raid in W.V. prompts questions about the pastime Fear not! Kathleen Maltzahn has received funding from the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation. Determining who has won is part of the game. Not so, however, are its consequences, as we have illustrated here. The most common form of harm for bingo players was where bingo was offered in close proximity to EGMs: bingo here appeared to be used to draw people into the venue with the expectation that they would then gamble on the EGMs. Attention to the cost of bingo in part explained the different patterns of harm amongst our three groups, with the Melbourne group of older people, who were more likely to play low-cost bingo and were in some cases wealthier, less likely to report harm.
A real risk of harm

The impetus to win money was greater among participants in the Gippsland and Mildura case study sites: both these case study communities have higher levels of poverty than the age pensioners in our Melbourne case study.

For many Aboriginal participants, the immediate cause of poverty was the absence or low level of government benefits. Stakeholders from Aboriginal community-controlled organisations highlight the cumulative impact of low benefit payments across the community; more profoundly, poverty is a legacy of land and wage theft and ongoing colonial violence, discrimination and racism.

In Mildura, many members of the Pacific community were employed in farm work that is casualised, low-paid, seasonal and hard, making it difficult to escape poverty.

Poverty shaped harm in two ways: it could make gambling compelling and also more harmful, as one Gippsland stakeholder from an Aboriginal organisation argued:. Adverse life events and stresses, at times resulting in trauma, were described by several participants. These included caring for elderly partners with dementia and other ill-health, post-surgical loss of cognitive capacity, raising grandchildren whose parents were in jail or struggling with drug addiction and family death.

Here, bingo offered escape from grief, isolation and daily strains. Stakeholders from Aboriginal community-controlled organisations also described the trauma, isolation and disconnection from country experienced by members of the stolen generations Aboriginal people who as children were unjustly removed from their parents by the government.

Again, bingo and other forms of gambling provide an escape from stress and struggle. Particularly, but not only in the Aboriginal community, adverse life events were compounded by poverty. While the majority of interviewees felt bingo was overwhelmingly positive in their own lives, gambling harm was a significant issue for a minority of players, the link between EGMs and bingo was seen as problematic by many participants and there was concern that harm would escalate as PETs and other product changes became more common.

Participants also identified regulatory weaknesses and social injustices as contributing to harm. Our data suggests that protective factors that have made bingo relatively low risk are being eroded by commercialisation, technological changes and deregulation, and that risk of harm is intensified by factors external to bingo such as poverty and adverse life events.

Bingo is a straightforward and logical game. In contrast to the myriad of permutations for the order that numbers can be called out, the steps in the game are fixed and limited.

Not so, however, are its consequences, as we have illustrated here. Our data across three case study sites provides support, as Maclure et al.

This study is one of the first to examine some of the mechanics of the infliction of gambling harm on bingo players. The uneven distribution of gambling harm raises many questions about the sources of this tension and how bingo players are exposed to harm.

We were interested both in the manifestations of harm experienced by bingo players and their communities and in the contexts and causes of that harm.

We do not wish to dismiss the many and meaningful benefits of bingo, which we have explored in depth in other work [ 37 ]. Both prevalence data and qualitative studies demonstrate that the majority of bingo players play without adverse effects.

Here, its many benefits — from social connectedness to cognitive stimulation — frequently outweigh the risks. Many bingo players would arguably feel their life was diminished if they could not play bingo [ 37 ].

However, echoing research from other areas, our data indicates that changes to the game risk eroding these protective factors, reducing the benefits and exacerbating harms. Consequently, we find that bingo players in Victoria may be at greater risk of harm than previously.

This is driven particularly by commercial, technical and regulatory changes that compound factors external to gambling that make gambling more dangerous for some people, such as poverty and racism, and adverse life events that cause stress and trauma.

We identify several ways these changes intensify risk. Our study illustrates the fact that bingo players frequently gamble in other ways, and that bingo is often combined with other forms of gambling such as raffles, lucky envelopes, and, of most concern, EGMs.

This has been increasingly clear in bingo research and highlights the need to recognise that being a bingo player is not inherently protective, as bingo players can engage in other types of gambling that are higher-risk. Our data further suggests that there is a relationship between the price of bingo, size of jackpots and levels of harm.

In simple terms, the more players have to pay for play, the greater the potential for financial strain on them. Compounding this, big jackpots entice people to buy more books more often by generating hope that they can win big: in short, they make it seem worthwhile to gamble more as the potential rewards are higher than in the past.

While unsurprisingly attractive to many players, bigger prizes centralise the financial benefit of bingo: rather than many players winning small amounts, which then offsets the costs of playing, bigger prizes benefit fewer people.

Additionally, large prizes screen the fact that operators can retain large sums of money. Large jackpots are relatively new in Victoria and are possible because of regulatory changes and technological changes allowing linked and rolling jackpots and bigger crowds as well as new technologies such as PETs.

For example, technological changes allow linked jackpots and games, where off-site callers are used and jackpots accumulate across multiple sites.

Our study is one of the first to explore the ways new technologies such as PETs are reshaping bingo, and the impact of this. In this, our study builds on work such as Harrigan et al. For example, the bingo described by our respondents and that we observed was commonly played in commercial settings, in contrast to the church or community halls of previous times.

Even where the clubs were technically not-for-profits, gambling was run as a business, prioritising profits over community benefit.

Together, these developments appear to transform an enjoyable, economical and low-risk outing with inbuilt protective factors into a higher-risk activity where for some accruing money becomes more important than any other aspect of the game.

Several stakeholders emphasised that this is a political and regulatory choice which could, and should, be changed.

The intensification of bingo as a form of gambling and the compounding impact of bingo players engaging in other types of gambling interact with factors external to gambling to generate harm. By exploring experiences of bingo in three communities with varying levels of structural disadvantage including exposure to systemic racism, our study highlights the way racism, poverty, stress and trauma interact with gambling harm.

These often-preventable conditions appear both to make people more susceptible to gambling harm and to heighten and spread harm when it is incurred. This underscores the need to tackle factors external to gambling, such as racialised poverty, when seeking to prevent or alleviate gambling harm and to take such factors into account when assessing the impact of regulatory and other changes.

Our study provides an insight into bingo playing in disparate parts of Victoria that illustrates more generally the transformation of a vernacular form of low-harm gambling into a higher-risk extractive phenomenon and the preventable social injustices that expose some people to greater harm.

In our study, three interlinked gambling-related changes were reshaping the game: commercialisation, new technologies and regulatory approaches. This in turn highlights government choices to allow or limit such changes. Our study provides support for the need for strategies to address gambling harm for bingo players, including by promoting fairness, protecting the benefits of bingo and preventing and constraining harm to bingo players.

Such strategies should recognise that bingo players can accrue harm through traditional paper-based bingo as well as new technologies, and that bingo is implicated in harm as a pathway to EGM use as well as in itself a risky activity. Regulatory reform, including to manage the negative impacts of new technology as well as previous deregulation of the bingo industry, is an essential strategic tool.

Such reforms should consider reintroducing limits on the cost of bingo and size of bingo gatherings and jackpots, separating bingo from EGMs and introducing caps on the allowable number and costs of PET games. Factors external to gambling should be taken into account in two ways in devising and implementing such strategies.

First, policy makers should ensure harm-reduction strategies respond to the specificities of different communities and bingo players, whether in terms of age, cultural background, socio-economic status or experiences of racism. Secondly, strategies that tackle factors external to gambling such as poverty reduction, trauma recovery and racism eradication should be acknowledged as legitimate ways to reduce the risks of gambling harm, and so should be included and resourced in gambling harm work.

In recognising and responding to harm, policy makers must at the same time acknowledge, and seek to safeguard, the many positive aspects of bingo; ensuring that bingo players are at the heart of any policy processes will help such an undertaking.

Additionally, consideration of gambling harm, including in legislation, should be expanded to include fairness. Our study had a number of limitations.

Interviewees from the three case sites were self-selecting, and we do not claim that their experiences and views were representative of all members of the three identified populations.

Additionally, our study did not quantify the levels of harm or indeed of the benefits of bingo as experienced by participants, and so we cannot determine or compare the seriousness of harm experienced. Further research would aid understanding of harm for bingo players.

First, research exploring the impacts of PETs and other new technologies in bingo in other jurisdictions would provide additional information about these new developments.

Second, studies investigating the interplay between gambling and external injustices such as racism, sexism, ageism and poverty would help broaden understandings of contexts for bingo playing and related harm.

Third, in light of the limited research around strategies to minimise bingo-related gambling harm, investigation of regulations and other interventions to promote fairness, protect the benefits of bingo and prevent and constrain harm would contribute to both academic and policy discussions.

Despite previously being seen as site of low gambling risk, and so offering little to interest those concerned with gambling harm, our study shows that bingo both generates harm and provides a fertile research and policy site for grappling with the complex causes and manifestations of gambling harm.

Our portrayal of harm to bingo players in turn demands a response by regulators and other policy makers, highlighting the need for strategies to address gambling harm to bingo players. In accordance with ethical approval provided to conduct the project, data are not publicly available.

Maltzahn K, Cox J, MacLean S, Whiteside M, Lee H. Evolving understandings of bingo in four decades of literature: from eyes down to new vistas. Critical Gambling Studies.

Moubarac J-C, Shead NW, Derevensky JL. Bingo playing and problem gambling: A review of our current knowledge. J Gambling Issues. Article Google Scholar. Health LP. Gambling: a neglected public health issue; Google Scholar.

Gordon R, Reith G. Gambling as social practice: a complementary approach for reducing harm? Harm Reduction J. Langham E, Thorne H, Browne M, Donaldson P, Rose J, Rockloff M.

Understanding gambling related harm: A proposed definition, conceptual framework, and taxonomy of harms. BMC Public Health. Price A, Hilbrecht M, Billi R.

Charting a path towards a public health approach for gambling harm prevention. J Pub Health. Abbott M, Binde P, Clark L, Hodgins D, Johnson M, Manitowabi D, et al. Conceptual Framework of Harmful Gambling: An International Collaboration, Third Edition.

Guelph, Ontario, Canada: Gambling Research Exchange Ontario GREO ; Browne M, Langham E, Rawat V, Greer N, Li E, Rose J, et al. Assessing gambling-related harm in Victoria: a public health perspective.

John B, Holloway K, Davies N, May T, Buhociu M, Cousins AL, et al. Gambling harm as a global public health concern: A mixed method investigation of trends in Wales. Front Pub Health. Abbott M, Binde P, Hodgins D, Korn D, Pereira A, Volberg R, et al. Conceptual Framework of Harmful Gambling: An International Collaboration.

Livingstone C, Adams P, Cassidy R, Markham F, Reith G, Rintoul A, et al. On gambling research, social science and the consequences of commercial gambling.

Intl Gambling Studies. Bedford K. Bingo Regulation and the Feminist Political Economy of Everyday Gambling. In Search of the Anti-Heroic. Bedford K, Casey D, Williams T, Jobim MLK, Alvarez-Macotela O. The Bingo Project Final Report: University of Kent; Dixey R, Talbot M.

Downs C. A social, economic and cultural history of bingo : the role of gambling in the lives of working women: VDM Verlag; Hewitt DS, Hodgson M. Spirit of bingoland: A study of problem gambling among Alberta native people.

Maclure R, Smith J, Wood S, Leblanc R, Li J, Cuffaro A. Entertainment or Imprudence. The Sociology of Risk and Gambling Reader Routledge. Wardle H, Welch G, Bollen A, Kennedy J, Gariban S. Problem gambling in licensed bingo premises. London: Responsible Gambling Trust; Armstrong A, Carroll M.

Gambling activity in Australia. Findings from wave. Griffiths M, Bingham C. Bingo playing in the UK: The influence of demographic factors on play. Intl Gambling Stud. Hare S. Study of gambling and health in Victoria. Mazar A, Zorn M, Becker N, Volberg RA. Gambling formats, involvement, and problem gambling: which types of gambling are more risky?

Bingo capitalism: the Law and political economy of everyday gambling: Oxford University Press, USA; Casey D. The DNA of Bingo: Charity and online bingo. Gambling Policies in European Welfare States: Springer; Paarlberg L, Nesbit B, Clerkin R, Christensen RK. Charitable bingo in Indiana: Issues and implications.

Nonprofit Management and Leadership. Jobim MLK, Williams T. Chance Developments: Bingo Regulation in Brazil. Análise Econômica. Fiske J-A. Bingo: Winning and losing in the discourses of problem gambling. Cox JM, Maltzahn K, Lee H, Whiteside M, Maclean S. Bingo, Gender and the Moral Order of the Household: Everyday Gambling in a Migrant Community.

Journal of Consumer Culture. Harrigan K, Brown D, MacLaren V. Gamble while you gamble: Electronic games in Ontario charitable gaming centres. Intl J Mental Health Addict. Rockloff M, Donaldson P, Browne M, Greer N, Moskovsky N, Armstrong T, et al. Innovation in traditional gambling products.

Maltzahn K, Whiteside M, Thompson A, Kirirua J, Cox J, Lee H, et al. Lucky for some: bingo in Victoria. Melbourne: Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation; Stake RE. The art of case study research: Sage; Braun V, Clarke V. Using thematic analysis in psychology.

Qualitative Res Psychol. Creswell JW. Fourth edition. Poth CN, editor: Los Angeles SAGE; National Health Medical Research Council.

Ethical conduct in research with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and communities: Guidelines for researchers and stakeholders: National Health and Medical Research Council; Maltzahn K, Vaughan R, Griffin T, Thomas D, Stephens R, Whiteside M, et al. Pleasures and risks associated with bingo playing in an Australian Aboriginal community: Lessons for policy and intervention.

J Gambling Stud. Livingstone C, Adams P. Observations on the symbiosis between government and private industries for the development of highly accessible gambling markets. Download references. We are grateful for all the help and expertise of our research partners Mallee District Aboriginal Services, Gippsland and East Gippsland Aboriginal Services,.

Sunraysia Mallee Ethnic Communities Council, COTA Victoria and funders of related research Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation, MDAS and GEGAC. Social Work and Social Policy, La Trobe University, Victoria, Australia.

Department of Social Inquiry, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, La Trobe University, Victoria, Australia. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, La Trobe University, Victoria, Australia.

You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. KM, MW, HL, JC and SM contributed to the study conception and design. Material preparation, data collection and analysis were performed by KM, MW, HL, JC and SM.

The first draft of the manuscript was written by KM and MW, HL, JC, SM also commented on evolving versions of the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

Correspondence to Kathleen Maltzahn. We received ethics approval from the La Trobe University Human Research Ethics Committee HEC for the research data to be used in a Master of Philosophy, and, earlier, for the research to be conducted HEC Interview participants provided informed verbal consent to participate, in accordance with ethical approval granted for the project.

Verbal consent was preferred to written consent as some participants, particularly in the Mildura Pacific community, were likely to be wary of filling in a form that revealed their identity. Using verbal consent for all participants ensured there was no differentiation in the way legal and undocumented migrants were treated in the research process.

We received approval from the ethics committee for this approach HEC Where we conducted participant observation in public spaces we advised people in proximity to us that we were conducting research and did not document any identifying information.

Beyond funding from the VRGF above , the authors have not received any financial or professional benefits or interests from this research or its funding. Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article's Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material.

If material is not included in the article's Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder.

Reprints and permissions. Maltzahn, K. et al. Increasing harms for bingo players: digitisation, commercialisation and regulatory inadequacy: a multi-site case study.

BMC Public Health 22 , Download citation. Received : 06 June Accepted : 09 March Published : 04 May Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:.

Under the Governor's Reorganization Plan No. The Commission retained its jurisdiction over: 1 the approval of licenses and work permits, and 2 the authorization of nonprofit organizations to conduct remote caller bingo games.

Questions concerning the extension of licenses and work permits may be directed to the Commission's Licensing Division at Questions regarding the Bureau's licensing application process or the approval of card-minding devices may be directed to the Bureau at Skip to: Main Content CA.

Home About Us About CGCC. Recently Adopted, Amended, and Repealed Regulations. Administrative Hearings FAQ.

Remote Caller Bingo Information NOTE: The California Gambling Control Commission Commission is not responsible for regulating the play of "traditional" bingo.

Bingo / Gambling Control Board

A participant from Gippsland says they would use bingo to escape the loneliness of living alone. Another, from Sunraysia, says it was a place they could visit and not be exposed to racism.

The experience of harms varied across the three groups, and for some the harms were considerable. Some interviewees identified spending the household budget or spending less time with children as harms they had experienced. Others shed light on a range of environmental factors associated with increased gambling-related harm, such as personal electronic tablet PET machines, the cost of playing, and the exposure to other forms of gambling including pokies.

The introduction of PET machines has supercharged spending at many venues. Traditionally, bingo has been played with pen and paper, which has placed a natural limit on playing more than a small number of games at once. PETs, however, allow users to play up to games at a time. The devices automatically cross off numbers and beep when a player has nearly achieved bingo.

Dr MacLean says that PETs can substantially increase the amount people spend gambling on bingo, as they are able to play many more games than they otherwise could. The study also highlighted how recent technological advances, like the opportunity to play online which is illegal in Australia, but accessible nonetheless have made playing bingo riskier.

Most states consider bingo a form of gambling in a social setting, especially when players receive a cash prize or engage in monetary exchanges.

However, despite the exchange of money, bingo is often a legal activity at the state level. This is why you will frequently see bingo games offered to the elderly in bingo halls or competitions in college cafeterias. If your game occurs in this manner, the activity becomes unlawful, even if your state considers bingo an acceptable game.

Additionally, each bingo game could have different rules depending on the local ordinances and guidelines. The United States Department of Justice modified the Wire Act in to allow state governments to determine the legal means of gambling.

While the federal government considers bingo to be a form of gambling, each state has the option to make it legal or criminalize it.

Depending on the Bingo variation, you might be looking to complete your sheet with a random pattern of numbers. You might want to do some vocal warm-ups before you head out for your Bingo night! If you and another player reach Bingo at the same time, the prize is split evenly.

Great question! The likelihood of you winning depends on a number of factors, like what the rules of that specific game are and how many people are playing with you.

Weeknights are usually a little less crowded. By playing with fewer people, you improve your likelihood of a win. The more sheets you play, the more your odds of winning increase. Of course, we hope you win. Many places have brochures or postings that list their house rules.

As long as you remember these points, the rest is simple as can be! When you play Bingo, be sure to…. No matter your experience level, Bingo at Ute Mountain Casino is a lively and entertaining event.

Our roomy Bingo hall has seats, so everyone gets a spot at the table. Bring a lucky charm, if you have one!

Bingo seems like harmless fun – but higher stakes and new technology are making it more dangerous

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Thank you and hope you always win big! The developer, CLASSMOBI CO. The following data may be used to track you across apps and websites owned by other companies:.

The following data may be collected and linked to your identity:. The introduction of PET machines has supercharged spending at many venues.

Traditionally, bingo has been played with pen and paper, which has placed a natural limit on playing more than a small number of games at once.

PETs, however, allow users to play up to games at a time. The devices automatically cross off numbers and beep when a player has nearly achieved bingo. Dr MacLean says that PETs can substantially increase the amount people spend gambling on bingo, as they are able to play many more games than they otherwise could.

The study also highlighted how recent technological advances, like the opportunity to play online which is illegal in Australia, but accessible nonetheless have made playing bingo riskier. The researchers were concerned that bingo was often used by venues as a gateway activity to other forms of gambling.

At clubs and hotels, where pokies can be offered alongside bingo, the researchers observed many people would use bingo breaks to gamble on the pokies in the next room.

They described a sea of people at the casino going straight to the pokies room once a bingo session finished. Crown has since ceased offering bingo. While bingo centres remain an important place for connection in some communities, modern advances are placing players at an increasing risk of gambling-related harm.

The researchers argue that regulation is not keeping up with technology. Striking the balance between maintaining the positive aspects of bingo while protecting people from harm will be an ongoing challenge. By Patrick Gallus In the s, 20 per cent of adults in Victoria gambled on bingo but the introduction of pokies into hotels and clubs in the s is considered to have been the key driver of this demise.

The introduction of PET machines has supercharged spending… Dr MacLean says that PETs can substantially increase the amount people spend gambling on bingo, as they are able to play many more games than they otherwise could. Was this content helpful to you?

Bingo gambling -

Historically, the game has been played with paper books and pens. Now, personal electronic tablets PETs are available in bingo centres and some RSLs.

These tablets can be loaded with up to games at once and automatically cross off numbers for players. Fast play and flashing lights captivate players. Tablets let people purchase and play many more games than they could on paper.

Read more: Sports betting: how in-play betting features could be leading to harmful gambling — new research. Regulation of bingo varies across Australia. In some places, including Victoria , bingo at licensed centres must generate funds for charities. Rule changes in Victoria have created more expensive bingo games and larger prizes.

These changes include abolishing bans on rolling jackpots, removing caps on the cost of books, and allowing more people to play each session.

Large jackpots mean fewer people win and more people lose. The more forms of gambling a person engages in , the greater their chance of having problems. One person told us:.

I go across to the gamble machine and I keep playing there. So instead of like, save the money to take back to the family. In Victoria, Crown Casino stopped offering bingo under the spotlight of a Royal Commission , but previously provided free bingo with breaks where players moved to pokie machines and gaming tables.

In February, Tabcorp and Lottoland were awarded Victorian licences to operate Keno live lottery gambling until , including in bingo centres. This expands the range of commercial gambling products sold in bingo venues. Bingo causes less grief than other forms of gambling.

Gamblers help can be found online or by calling The authors would like to thank the organisations that partnered in this research: Gippsland and East Gippsland Aboriginal Cooperative GEGAC , Sunraysia Mallee Ethnic Communities Council SMECC and COTA Victoria.

John Cox, Annalyss Thompson and Jasmine Kirirua worked as researchers on the project. We are also grateful to the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation and particularly Lindsay Shaw.

Menu Close Home Edition Africa Australia Brasil Canada Canada français España Europe France Global Indonesia New Zealand United Kingdom United States. Edition: Available editions Europe. Become an author Sign up as a reader Sign in. Sarah J MacLean , Helen Lee , Kathleen Maltzahn , Mary Whiteside , La Trobe University.

Authors Sarah J MacLean Associate professor, La Trobe University Helen Lee Emeritus Professor of Anthropology, La Trobe University Kathleen Maltzahn La Trobe University Mary Whiteside Adjunct Associate Professor, Social Work and Social Policy, La Trobe University.

NOTE: The California Gambling Control Commission Commission is not responsible for regulating the play of "traditional" bingo. According to the California Constitution Article IV, Section 19 and section Generally, regulation at the local level is through city or county municipal codes or ordinances.

In many local jurisdictions, the enforcement and oversight of "traditional" bingo is assigned to the local law enforcement agencies sheriff's offices and police departments. Any questions or concerns relating to the playing of "traditional" bingo or the operation of bingo halls should be directed to one of those agencies, depending on the location of the particular bingo hall city or county.

Please be advised that the Commission, on July 25, , approved an extension of all remote caller bingo licenses and work permits and all manufacturer, distributor and vendor licenses through December 31, The authorization of a nonprofit organization as being eligible to conduct remote caller bingo games does not expire; therefore, extensions are not necessary or applicable to those authorizations issued by the Commission.

Those organizations that were authorized by the Commission on or before June 30, , may continue to operate and participate in remote caller bingo games, subject to all applicable laws and regulations.

Under the Governor's Reorganization Plan No.

NOTE: The California Gambling Control Commission Commission is not gamblng for regulating the play of "traditional" bingo gambling. According to the California Binggo Article Bingp, Section 19 and section Generally, live net live at the local level is through city or county municipal codes or ordinances. In many local jurisdictions, the enforcement and oversight of "traditional" bingo is assigned to the local law enforcement agencies sheriff's offices and police departments. Any questions or concerns relating to the playing of "traditional" bingo or the operation of bingo halls should be directed to one of those agencies, depending on the location of the particular bingo hall city or county.

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